Abstract
Resource nationalism is on the rise around the globe. During the recent global resource boom, many governments have adopted nationalistic policies to maximise the political and economic benefits from their mining and energy sectors. Existing theories of resource nationalism rely upon economistic bargaining models, which fail to interrogate how political processes shape governments’ resource policy strategies. This article extends and develops these bargaining models by theorising the role of political institutions – specifically those found in rentier, developing and liberal market economies – in determining patterns of resource nationalism. A survey of 12 major resource-producing countries reveals that contemporary resource nationalism takes a range of distinct forms, which are connected to differences in political institutions that structure the objectives and policies of governments. It is therefore argued that while economic dynamics function as an enabling factor, political institutions are an equally important conditioning factor shaping the distinctive forms of resource nationalism observed today.
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Country or Region: Vietnam
Verbiest, Jean-Pierre A
Abstract
Over the past two decades, several regional cooperation programs were initiated by multilateral and bilateral donors to address concerns about the development gap in the Mekong subregion. Programs such as the Greater Mekong Subregion program of the Asian Development Bank and the Mekong–Japan Cooperation program focused first on improving physical connectivity through transport corridors, regional power development and grid connection, and telecommunications linkages, and were successful. However, as transport and trade facilitation became a priority, the weak institutional capacity of Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, and Vietnam resulted in a slow progress and is a major challenge to regional cooperation. Other challenges are the pressure on the use of Mekong water resources and the planned construction of mainstream dams, which could threaten the Mekong River Commission’s role, the regional rivalry for energy sources, and the lack of attention to unskilled labor issues. The relations between Mekong regional cooperation programs and China are also a main issue to address if cooperation programs are not to become instruments of geopolitical rivalry.
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Tran, Van Tho
Abstract
Thanks to doi moi, Vietnam was successful in escaping the poverty trap and emerged as a lower middle-income country in the late 2000s. From that time, however, the Vietnamese economy entered a new phase, which has been characterized by slow growth, weak international competitiveness, and macroeconomic instability. Apart from short-term problems associated with the management of increasing foreign capital, the major factors accounting for the difficulties of Vietnam’s current economic phase can be attributed to the Vietnamese style of the gradualist strategy of transition from a planned to a market economy, which protects state-owned enterprises, and consequently to the failure to respond to the rapid rise of China. For further industrialization and sustained growth, Vietnam should embrace a new doi moi that follows the efficient type of gradualist strategy, with a special focus on new reforms of state-owned enterprises and a policy that promotes the country’s dynamic comparative advantage.
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Meconis, Charles A., and Michael D. Wallace
Summary
The 1990s saw a sea change in East Asian security concerns. The role of the ocean as a highway for trade and a location of vital resources became critical to the region’s economic growth. Protection of territorial waters, the Exclusive Economic Zones established under the UN Law of the Sea, and strategic lines of communication grew in importance. Soon, a significant change in the size and sophistication of many of the region’s naval forces began to occur as they acquired modern weapons platforms (ships and aircraft) and weapons systems. This study uses two approaches from quantitative arms race theory, the role of the armaments-tension spiral and that of enduring national rivalries, to examine the hard data on arms races in the region.
The changing balance of naval forces has been interpreted in two very different ways. One camp has viewed the development as a largely benign and justifiable modernization of naval forces for legitimate defense purposes. A second camp has warned of a naval arms race in East Asia that will spawn armed conflict. Both camps have often relied on anecdotal evidence and rhetoric. While the argument was muted by the 1997 economic crisis, many naval projects have continued to move forward. Meconis and Wallace address the meaning of East Asian naval weapons acquisitions in the 1990s in a more formal and serious manner than any previous attempts, and they propose measures that might prevent naval conflict.
ASEAN Studies Centre
Summary
China has long claimed the ownership of a network of widely-scattered islands and their surrounding waters and resources in the South China Sea. These claims overlap in a substantial way with those of at least three ASEAN countries: Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia. To this day, the South China Sea has remained one of the region’s most dangerous ‘flashpoints’. Despite regional efforts to calm the situation, the complicated nature of the issue continues to challenge regional security. The ASEAN Studies Centre has taken this initiative to host a discussion on Energy and Geopolitics in South China Sea, with contributions from Michael Richardson and a number of experts in this area to put across their analytical views of the issue.
Shoji, Tomotaka
Abstract
Against the backdrop of China’s growing assertiveness on sovereign and strategic interests in the South China Sea, territorial disputes in this resource-rich sea area have re-emerged among the claimants, including some ASEAN members. Vietnam in particular has been increasingly concerned about China’s expanding physical presence and assertive, sometimes aggressive, actions to manage natural resources. Vietnam strives to check China’s rise not by “containing” the country using military options, but to place the issue on the agenda of ASEAN-centered multilateral dialogue frameworks and achieve a breakthrough by making use of the collective diplomatic power of ASEAN, and as appropriate, the engagement of countries outside the region. Furthermore, Vietnam endeavors to strengthen its hedging against the rise of China by carefully forging closer ties with the US. The Philippines, too, increasingly views China’s movements with caution, and is reinforcing its ASEAN-centered diplomatic activities as well as promoting security cooperation with the US. In contrast, Malaysia has not made any notable moves other than modernizing its naval capabilities. Indonesia, as the ASEAN Chair in 2011, was proactive in conducting multilateral talks by hosting a series of ASEAN-related meetings. ASEAN members are expected to continue to pursue multi-dimensional diplomacy toward the peaceful settlement of disputes. The challenge will be how ASEAN will be able to maintain its unity.
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Shoji, Tomotaka
Abstract
This article examines issues concerning the South China Sea from a Japanese perspective. In contrast to its reticence and hesitant attitude in the 1990s, Japan’s current approach to the South China Sea has been much more active and multi-dimensional. The Japanese government has been eager to actively participate in ASEAN-centered security dialogues. The basic strategy Tokyo has employed in multilateral arenas is to include the concept of maritime security on the agenda, emphasizing the importance of resolving territorial disputes in a peaceful manner and securing freedom of navigation based on the rule of law. The incumbent Abe administration has also been active in reinforcing bilateral cooperation with ASEAN claimants, Vietnam and Philippines in particular. How Japan can effectively pursue security cooperation with ASEAN to check China’s actions depends largely upon the overall US strategy toward the region.
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Pajon, Céline
Summary
In the midst of growing tensions with China, Japan is deepening its strategic engagement in Southeast Asia. Preserving stability in the South China Sea, which is threatened by renewed frictions around contested territories, is a vital interest for sea lane-dependent Japan. Moreover, Tokyo considers Southeast Asian countries as crucial partners in balancing against an increasingly powerful and more assertive China.
Therefore, Tokyo is stepping up its security cooperation in the region through the promotion of regional maritime and security institutions, but more importantly, by building strategic partnerships and helping to foster the maritime capacities of key like-minded countries (notably Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam).
These initiatives augment the “great game” of influence currently underway in Southeast Asia and in which Japan is soft-balancing China and supporting a more sustainable US presence. Still, forging strategic partnerships is not an easy task as ASEAN countries, if increasingly polarized, are not passive in the face of the great powers contest.
As East Asia grows seemingly more divided and as a competition for influence is flaring up, Europe is politically absent. Yet, expectations for more politico-military involvement from European countries in the region do exist, especially in Japan. If discussions about a possible “EU pivot” to East Asia are developing, many obstacles and limitations still constrain an expansion of European influence in the region.
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Mankoff, Jeffrey
Abstract
This article examines the origins and conduct of Russia’s Asia pivot, analyzes the role Asia plays in Russia’s economic development plans, and assesses Russia’s efforts to balance its strategic partnership with China and its ambitions to be a more autonomous player in Asia.
Main Argument
Recent tensions between Russia and the West highlight Russia’s growing ties with Asia, particularly China. Before the Ukraine crisis, this pivot to Asia had more to do with Moscow’s assessment that Asia will be the major source of future economic growth. Russia seeks Asian, especially Chinese, investment to open up new sources of oil and gas, which will in turn allow it to play a larger role in regional security and diplomacy. Economic ties are the basis for the deepening Sino-Russian partnership, while Beijing has also provided important diplomatic support as the West has sought Russia’s isolation. Yet to avoid excessive dependence on China, Russia has worked to cultivate relations with other Asian powers, especially India, Vietnam, and Japan. This interest in harnessing Asian economic growth gives Moscow and Washington a common interest in regional stability, but one that is unlikely to be fully realized as long as bilateral relations remain focused on Europe and Eurasia.
Policy Implications
- While Russia has been pursuing a more revisionist approach in Europe and Eurasia, in the Asia-Pacific it remains largely a status quo power, whose interests in continued economic growth and stability mostly parallel those of the U.S.
- While China is Russia’s most important partner in Asia, the growing disparity between Russian and Chinese power has encouraged Moscow to hedge. Western efforts to isolate Russia risk undermining this balancing act and pushing Russia closer to China.
- Russia’s efforts to play a larger role in Asia create opportunities for the U.S. to seek deeper engagement on issues of mutual interest, including North Korea, nuclear security, economic development, and trade.
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Fargo, Thomas
Introduction
The Asia-Pacific is emerging as the world’s most militarily significant and challenging region. China’s military has benefited from decades of double-digit growth in investment and today represents a robust fighting force focused, in part, on denying the United States access to the western Pacific during a time of crisis or conflict. North Korea continues to threaten the peace and stability of the entire region, and has not shown an interest in abandoning belligerence and confrontation since the death of Kim Jong-il. Seveal U.S. allies in Asia—Japan, the Republic of Korea (ROK), and Australia—have built highly capable armed forces that are (to varying degrees) well integrated with U.S. forces. At the same time, other regional partners and new potential partners—Singapore, India, Indonesia, and Vietnam—have also been increasing their investments in military capabilities in recent years.
For decades, U.S. military leadership and dominance has preserved the stability of the Asia-Pacific, sustained open and stable global commons, and enabled a remarkable period of regional economic development and integration. Freedom of navigation has been an essential aspect of U.S. foreign policy and military strategy since the early years of the republic, when the United States fought two wars against the Barbary pirates and another against Great Britain, in part, to defend U.S. access to the high seas. As new technologies have given humanity access to the global commons, the same principles of freedom of navigation have been expanded to include all global commons.
The Asia-Pacific’s increasing significance to U.S. security, prosperity, and interests—combined with a changing balance of military power—demands significant attention by American strategists and policymakers. As the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan draw to a close, and as military challenges in the Asia-Pacific continue to emerge, shifts in the United States’ military posture and force structure should be expected. Strategic rebalancing is thus a natural outgrowth of a changing strategic environment.
The military aspects of strategic rebalancing should be understood to include two interconnected efforts: geographic rebalancing and capability rebalancing. Geographically, strategic rebalancing involves adjustments to the United States’ long-standing regional strategy, military posture, and force structure to account for emerging challenges and opportunities. In terms of military capabilities, strategic rebalancing involves investments in hardware, systems, and technologies necessary to sustain a force structure that can defend the security and interests of the United States and its allies in the face of rapidly emerging regional military challenges.
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Sui, Xinmin
Abstract
The consecutive and rapid economic growth needs a large amount of energy supply to fuel in the East Asia region. Although reaching some achievements, East Asia regional integration at a take-off phase changes little the situation of energy security in which there exists a more competitive than cooperative phenomenon in access to energy among major economies in the region. The current multilateral energy cooperation, in the framework of the Association of South East Asia Nations (ASEAN), cannot support sustainable growth in the region. So it is urgent for East Asian economies to set up an energy-specific community—the East Asian Energy Community (EAEC) to take uniform actions and effective cooperation on energy security. EAEC can be modeled respectively on European Union way especially in the East Asia Summit region, and on the Energy Charter Conference broadly in the Pan-Asia region including the Central Asia and the Middle East. It can be accomplished through such specific mechanism and institutional arrangements as follows: to sign a legally binding energy-specific treaty; to set up an Asian energy-specific fund to supply financial assistance for may-be losers in removing trade barriers and forming the energy market integration; to establish Asian Energy Cooperation Financing System based on the Asian Bond Markets Initiative approved by the ASEAN plus China, Japan and Korea; to encourage related research on development, deployment and dissemination of technologies, to enhance energy efficiency and conservation through multilateral cooperation; to establish Asian Energy Information and Data System for both supply side and demand side to facilitate policy making; to take collective actions to ensure energy transport and transit through both land routes and waterways, and so on. Despite many challenges and indigenous restraints on the East Asia regional integration, EAEC learning from European Coal and Steel Community, European Atomic Energy Community, and mechanism of the Energy Community Treaty, is completely possible and attainable.
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Kyne, Dean, and Jason T. Harris
Abstract
This study constructs a potential risk index (PRI) for the 65 U.S.-based commercial nuclear power plant (NPP) sites in relation to their surrounding populations. Four risk levels are defined: low risk, moderate risk, high risk, and very high risk. Discrepancies that exist in the sociodemographic characteristics of the host communities’ populations are examined as sorted by risk-level category. It is found that a greater percentage of minority groups are exposed to the highest levels of risk. In addition, percent “Hispanic” and percent “Other,” a grouping that includes multiracial, mixed, interracial, as well as Hispanic and Latino groups (for example, Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, or Spanish) are categories that show the greatest percent change in both the period 1990–2000 and 2000–2010.
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Rigg, Jonathan
Summary
Over the course of the last half century, the growth economies of Southeast Asia – Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam – have transformed themselves into middle income countries. This book looks at how the very success of these economies has bred new challenges, novel problems, and fresh tensions, including the fact that particular individuals, sectors and regions have been marginalised by these processes.
Contributing to discussions of policy implications, the book melds endogenous and exogenous approaches to thinking about development paths, re-frames Asia’s model(s) of growth and draws out the social, environmental, political and economic side-effects that have arisen from growth. An interesting analysis of the problems that come alongside development’s achievements, this book is an important contribution to Southeast Asian Studies, Development Studies and Environmental Studies.
Green, Michael J., and Matthew P. Goodman
Abstract
Trade has always defined order and power in the Asia-Pacific. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), while not perfect, can help positively shape regional order, the balance of power, and a rising China, and ultimately help sustain the post-war U.S.-led global order itself.
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Lock-Pullan, Richard
Abstract
This article examines the role of ideas in US Army innovation after the Vietnam War. It challenges the view that failure, changes in the strategic environment or technology are the sole drivers of military innovation and analyses the role of ideas and identity in the army’s development of AirLand battle doctrine. It highlights how the reform in ideas led to a ‘re-conception’ of the strategic environment, the nature and dynamics of warfare and a change in self-understanding. The organisational reforms embodied these ideas and led to a new way of war practised in the first Gulf War.
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