Abstract
Vietnam’s interests in the South China Sea may be divided into traditional national security interests, and interests linked to the broader category of human security. This article examines Vietnam’s policy in the South China Sea and its use of the Law of the Sea. Vietnam has doggedly upheld its claim to the whole of the Paracel and Spratly areas (Hoang Sa and Truong Sa) and has spent considerable resources in modernizing its naval and air forces. However, there seems to be a move away from a narrow focus on national security to a more broad-based concern for human security. This is connected with a trend towards a greater regional, less nationalist approach, which may give Vietnam a key role in resolving the multiple disputes in the South China Sea.
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Country or Region: Vietnam
Thao, Nguyen Hong and Ramses Amer
Abstract
This article examines the progress made in managing Vietnam’s maritime boundary disputes and analyzes the challenges that lie ahead relating to unsettled disputes. The continuity and change in Vietnam’s approach to dispute a settlement and the difficulties in managing the unresolved maritime disputes are assessed. Vietnam has made considerable progress in managing its maritime disputes; however, continued efforts are needed to address the unresolved disputes.
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Thao, Nguyen Hong
Abstract
This article portrays and characterizes the Vietnamese position toward the settlement of the island disputes in the South China Sea. The situation in the South China Sea has become more complicated since 1988 when China made its steps toward the Spratlys. After analyzing the situation in the South China Sea, the author emphasizes the need to have a code of conduct for this disputed area.
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Amer, Ramses
Abstract
This study deals with the management of the border disputes between China and Vietnam and its impact on regional stability. The study takes at its starting point the fact that China and Vietnam signed a Land Border Treaty on 30 December 1999. Following a background section which traces the importance of the borders disputes, during the period 1975-1991, the focus of attention is on developments since the normalisation of bilateral relations in late 1991. The evolution has displayed an overall constructive approach to the border disputes with continuous bilateral talks at different levels. However, there have been periods of tension related to the border disputes particularly those in the South China Sea. It is argued that periods of re-occurring tensions have negative implications not only on bilateral relations but, also, on regional stability. It is, therefore, of importance that both sides refrain from actions which might alter the status quo and cause tension. To achieve such a situation it is suggested that China and Vietnam could agree on a “code of conduct”, possibly along the lines of those agreed upon by the Philippines and China and the Philippines and Vietnam, respectively. Taking into consideration the tension between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea in recent years it is argued that “code of conducts” are no guarantees that actions and incidents will not cause tension. This is of relevance in the context of the Sino-Vietnamese attempts to manage their maritime disputes as well as for ASEAN and China in their discussions relating to a possible “code of conduct” for the South China Sea.
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Amer, Ramses
Abstract
This article deals with the territorial disputes between China and Vietnam and their impact on regional stability. Attention is focused on the developments since normalization of bilateral relations in November 1991. The evolution of relations has displayed an overall constructive approach to the border disputes with continuous bilateral talks at different levels. However, there have been periods of tension in relations caused by actions, mainly by China, relating to the territorial disputes. The most recent example was the Chinese move to start drilling for oil in March 1997 in an area of the South China Sea claimed by Vietnam. It is argued that such periods of recurring tension have negative implications not only on bilateral relations but also on regional stability. It is therefore important that both sides refrain from actions which might alter the status quo. To achieve that condition, it is suggested that China and Vietnam reach an agreement on a “code of conduct”, possibly along the lines of the “code of conduct” agreed by the Philippines and China, and the Philippines and Vietnam, respectively, in 1995.
Amer, Ramses
Abstract
This article analyses the relationship between China and Vietnam since 1975 with a focus on developments since full normalization of relations in late 1991. The study encompasses the major developments in the relationship, i.e. the deterioration of relations during the late 1970s, the period of continued conflict and tension in the 1980s, the process of normalization of relations between China and Vietnam in the late 1980s and early 1990s; and developments since full normalization of relations. The following issues are discussed and assessed: differing perceptions of the Soviet Union, relations to and influence in Cambodia, the ethnic Chinese in Vietnam, and territorial disputes. The article concludes with an evaluation of progress made, lessons learned, and the remaining challenges to managing disputes in Sino-Vietnamese relations.
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Womack, Brantly
Abstract
The financial crisis of 2008 has ushered in an era of uncertainty that is redefining the post-Cold War world. While the United States, as a global actor, focuses on systemic effects, every international relationship is affected by the need for caution and by changes in relative position. China and Vietnam have always had an asymmetric relationship, but the gap has grown with China’s strong recovery and increased regional and global presence. Both countries are interested in improving cooperation, but for Vietnam the risks as well as the opportunities are more immediate. New strength in regional cooperation as well as the continued global presence of the United States provides important contexts of reassurance to bilateral normalcy.
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Womack, Brantly
Abstract
The South China Sea, and the Spratly Islands in particular, have become the focus of tension between the uncertain limits of China’s rise and the discomfort of its Southeast Asian neighbours at the prospect of becoming China’s backyard. The regional concerns of Southeast Asia overlap with the global concerns of the United States. The tension has been reframed by the global crisis of economic uncertainty that began in 2008 and sharpened by rhetorical confrontations in 2010. Because of the limited utility and adverse consequences of decisive unilateral action by any party, the dispute is likely to continue as a symbol of discord until it is defused by multilateral guidelines.
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Vuving, Alexander L
Abstract
The year 2007 in Vietnam was bracketed by two events that could go down in history as watersheds in the country’s post-Cold War life. On 11 January, Vietnam began its membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO). In December, thousands of Vietnamese took to the streets to protest against China’s claims to the Paracel & Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. The accession to the WTO marked the full integration of Vietnam into the Western-led international system, closing a protracted process that began twenty years ago & opening a new era in the country’s economic life as well as its relations with the outside world. The anti-China protests demonstrated the re-emergence of nationalism, & with their suppression by Vietnamese authorities, that the banner of patriotism has changed hands from the state to alternative elite groups that are Internet-based & wealthy. These protests & Beijing’s urge to suppress them have put Hanoi) in a dire strait where it cannot avoid taking sides. Vietnam has just arrived in the world but already stood at a crossroads.
Vuving, Alexander L.
Abstract
Who are the key players of Vietnamese politics? What characterizes its dynamics? What is to be expected of it in the next few years? This essay is an attempt to address the above questions. It suggests that the politics of Vietnam can be imagined as a game between four key players. If the government is defined as the central authoritative locus of politics in a country, then the Vietnamese Government is caught primarily between regime conservatives, modernizers, rent-seekers, and China. Each of these players is a bloc of diverse actors that share an ultimate strategic goal or inclination.
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Vu, Tung Nguyen
Abstract
In the post Cold-War era, the improved relations between and among major powers have been achieved, thus enabling states of the world to build and benefit from an overall ease of international tension. Coupled with the state of increased economic and social interdependence, the military dimension in the national security perception has been reduced to a great extent. This situation as a result helps to provide new perspectives on fundamental questions related to national security and strategy to ensure it.
National security, according to the established international relations theoretical approaches, relate to the survival of the states existing in the anarchical environment of international politics that allow continuous wars and conflicts. Yet, as it has been argued, the nature of international politics in the Third World has more to do with the survival of the ruling regimes that act in the name of their countries. The regime survival is of greater significance to the national leaders in the context in which fundamental economic and political changes always create new forces challenging the ruling regimes.
The case of Vietnam since 1986 is not an exception. The way the policy makers identify security challenges to the country has been influenced by the perceived challenges and threats to the ruling regime. As a result, the policy to cope with them can become very different from those influenced by the logics of state survival. To be more specific, foreign and defense policies have become more comprehensive and cooperative, rather than exclusive and competitive.
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Zou, Keyuan
Abstract
This article addresses the recently ratified Sino-Vietnamese Boundary Delimitation Agreement in the Gulf of Tonkin and its implications for bilateral cooperation and development of friendly and neighboring relations between China and Vietnam. As the first maritime boundary line for China, the delimitation in the Gulf of Tonkin is indicative of China’s positive attitude towards the resolution of other maritime issues with Vietnam and other neighboring countries.
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Tonnesson, Stein
Abstract
On 4 November 2002, China and ASEAN signed a Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (ASEAN, 2002). Incidents related to occupation of islands, ‘illegal’ fishing and oil exploration had been major irritants in the relationship between China, Taiwan, the Philippines, Malaysia and Vietnam during the 1990s. The declaration on a code of conduct reflects the complexity of the South China Sea dispute: it is a multilateral agreement between one major power and an association of ten states. However, China remains adamant that it will resolve the South China Sea dispute only through bilateral negotiations. For this policy to produce results, bilateral talks with Vietnam will be essential. On 25 December 2000, China and Vietnam signed bilateral agreements on maritime delimitation and fishery cooperation in the Gulf of Tonkin, and experts from the two countries also discussed the larger disputes in the South China Sea. However, two years later, the bilateral agreements had still not entered into force and negotiations over supplementary protocols had stalled. This article describes the Sino-Vietnamese rapprochement in the 1990s, analyses the South China Sea ‘irritant’, presents the Gulf of Tonkin agreements and discusses the prospects for a Sino-Vietnamese initiative to resolve the South China Sea dispute.
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Ciorciari, John D., and Jessica Chen Weiss
Abstract
The past summer was a tempestuous one for Sino-Vietnamese relations. In May and June 2011, Vietnam accused China of deliberately cutting the cables of oil exploration vessels in the western Spratly Islands, calling the second incident a “premeditated and carefully calculated” attack. China responded by accusing Vietnam of “gravely violating” its sovereignty by conducting “invasive activities.”1 Both sides flexed their muscles by holding naval exercises in the disputed area, and Chinese state-owned media warned Vietnam of possible military “counterstrikes.” In July, Vietnam reported that Chinese forces beat a Vietnamese fishing captain and drove his ship out of disputed waters.3 In Hanoi and Ho Chih Minh City, protesters vented anger at China in a series of rare public demonstrations. Tensions arguably reached their most dangerous level since the two former Cold War adversaries normalized relations in 1991.
Both China and Vietnam have sought to mobilize diplomatic support abroad and manage rising nationalism at home. Vietnam has been more successful at courting international support, but in broadcasting its grievances it has aroused nationalist forces at home and abroad that could jeopardize a negotiated solution. China is also constrained,criticized for its “assertive” behavior abroad while facing domestic demands to take a harder line. Both states recently agreed to return to the negotiating table, but they remain far apart on questions of territorial sovereignty, and the dispute continues to feed into powerful currents of nationalism and popular frustration in both countries. These domestic forces exacerbate the difficult task of forging a peaceful resolution to the complex multiparty dispute in the South China Sea.
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Thayer, Carlyle A
Abstract
The role of the military in a Leninist political system represents a distinct sub‐set of civil‐ military relations. The military is required to play a domestic political role in support of the one‐party regime in addition to its role as defender of the state from external attack. This paper presents a case study of the political role of the Vietnam People’s Army (VPA) in contemporary Vietnam. Vietnam’s long years of revolution and war have resulted in the military’s engagement with society in a number of state‐building activities such as economic‐defence zones, national defence industry, commercial enterprise, and socialization of the general public through universal conscription and compulsory defence education for students. Since 1991 the VPA has come under pressure to reform and then divest itself of commercial enterprises not directly related to national security. The military’s political influence at the national level has decreased in line with a noticeable trend in military professionalism and institutional autonomy. These developments do not mean that the Vietnamese military will withdraw entirely to the barracks. As a result of historical legacies the Vietnam People’s Army will continue to play a major role in society through national conscription; the maintenance of large reserves, militia and self‐defence forces; defence education, and socio‐economic development in economic‐defence zones. The newly emerging threat to sovereignty in Vietnam’s East Sea will intensify the trend towards military professionalism and institutional autonomy.
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