Hundt, David, and Uttam Jitendra

Summary
This book devises an innovative new way of explaining how socioeconomic orders shape capitalism in Asia. Hundt and Uttam go beyond both the ‘varieties of capitalism’ approach, which is mainly used to analyse Western capitalism, and the ‘developmental state’ thesis, which is the primary framework for analysing capitalism in Asia, and propose a new and innovative approach to the emergence of capitalist systems. Rather than focusing solely or predominantly on the state, they argue, it is necessary to bring society back in to an analysis of capitalism. The authors apply this approach to case studies from across the region: Japan; South Korea and Taiwan; Hong Kong and Singapore; Malaysia and Thailand; and India and China. This volume will appeal to historians, political scientists and economists, as well as policymakers, who are interested in the transformation of the Asian region since World War II.

Yu, Yi-Wen, Ko-Chia Yu, and Tse-Chun Lin

Abstract
Via quantitative analysis and interviews, this article examines the credibility and sustainability of Beijing’s patronage policy towards Taiwanese business. The new finding is that the rise of economic nationalism and local protectionism in China is undermining and constraining Beijing’s patronage policy. Consequently, China’s rising economy does not deepen cross-Strait integration but rather crowds out Taiwanese business. Moreover, considering the growing influence of Chinese domestic constraints, this article attempts to provide a bilateral two-level game to grasp the new dynamics on cross-Strait relations under the new normal.
Read more here (purchase required)

Wei, Chi-hung, and Christina J. Lai

Abstract
Identities have been viewed as determining Taiwan’s China policy, but this article argues that identities cannot explain Taipei’s China policy without reference to rationality. The article develops a theoretical framework that synthesises identities and rationality and examines Taipei’s cross-Strait exchange programs. We argue that whether Taipei imposes or relaxes bans on cross-Strait exchanges depends not only on its identities but also on its rational decisions in response to the status of cross-Strait relations. On the one hand, a Taiwanese administration that upholds a one-China identity rationally restricts exchanges when cross-Strait relations are tense; conversely, it opens exchanges during cross-Strait détente. On the other hand, when Taipei embraces a Taiwanese identity, it is only in times of cross-Strait tensions that Taipei advances exchanges as a rational gesture of goodwill taken to avoid spirals of tension; conversely, exchanges will be low on Taipei’s policy priority list when cross-Strait crises recede.
PDF

Sutter, Robert

Abstract
The George W. Bush Administration has carried out arguably the most significant rebalancing of US policy in the US-People’s Republic of China (PRC)-Taiwan triangular relationship since the 1970s. Recent US relations with the PRC and Taiwan are within a broad one China framework, but they are unusual; never since the opening of relations with China has the United States so markedly increased its military and other support for Taiwan while seeing an improvement in US relations with Beijing. Credit for improved relations goes partly to the PRC leadership who have adjusted Chinese foreign policy toward US interests, strongly emphasizing the positive while eschewing pressure, confrontation and conflict. The reasons for the Chinese shift vary, but this article emphasizes the importance of an effective Bush Administration policy toward China. The Bush Government has foreclosed previous Chinese leverage over the United States and made clear that resorting to anti-American pressure would hurt China’s interests much more than those of the United States. While remaining firm on substantive differences over Taiwan, weapons proliferation, missile defense, alliance expansion, human rights and other sensitive issues, it has responded positively and pragmatically to Chinese efforts to broaden common ground and improve relations, and sought to avoid provocations by either side in cross-strait relations. Recent trends suggest that Chinese leaders are likely to continue for the next year and possibly longer to seek improved US ties, muting pressure or threats regarding US actions that continue to improve military and other ties with Taiwan and other sensitive issues.
Read more here (purchase required)

Lin, Gang

Abstract
Beijing’s new strategies toward Taiwan are informed by neo-functionalism derived from European experiences, assuming that economic integration will eventually lead to political accommodation and integration. Despite the surprising Sunflower Movement and the fiasco of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) in the 2014 local elections, Beijing will try its best to maintain the momentum of peaceful development of cross-Strait relations. Facing a brand new Taiwan that seems an oddity to the mainland, however, Beijing has adapted to ‘the new normal’ with a slower pace, refocusing on the economic and cultural issues. Whether or to what degree Beijing will change its asymmetric engagements with the two main parties on the island, however, is contingent upon whether the KMT and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) can reach a balance of power domestically and whether their policies toward the mainland converge rather than diverge. At any rate, Beijing is likely to pay more attention to ordinary people’s feelings about cross-Strait economic and cultural exchanges and consider quality of cross-Strait exchange as more important than quantity of activities.
Read more here (purchase required)

Kim, Hayam, and Uk Heo

Abstract
Economic development in South Korea and Taiwan has received considerable scholarly attention, as they are two of the most successful cases since the 1960s. For all their similarities, differences also exist. Thus, we revisited economic development in South Korea and Taiwan to draw lessons for other developing countries. Our analysis indicates that no single development model will work in every country. Countries may learn from the successful cases but need to adjust the development model according to their political and economic conditions.
Read more here (purchase required)

Hickey, Dennis

Abstract
In this study I analyze Taiwan’s policy toward the South China Sea dispute. I also examine two options that Taipei may wish to consider to address the growing instability in the area. I suggest that while some minor adjustments in policy might be warranted, it appears likely that Taiwan will resist significant changes to its present policy.
Read more here (purchase required)

Courmont, Barthélémy, Frédéric Lasserre, and Éric Mottet, eds

Summary
Combining practical and theoretical approaches, this book addresses the political, legal and economic implications of maritime disputes in East Asia.
The maritime disputes in East Asia have multiplied over the past few years, in parallel with the economic growth of the countries in the region, the rise of nationalist movements, fears and sometimes fantasies regarding the emergence of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a global power, increasing military expenses, as well as speculations regarding the potential resources in various disputed islands. These disputes, however, are not new and some have been the subject of contention and the cause of friction for decades, if not centuries in a few cases. Offering a robust analysis, this volume explores disputes through the different lenses of political science, international law, history and geography, and introduces new approaches in particular to the four important disputes concerning Dokdo/Takeshima, Senkaku/Diaoyu, Paracels and Spratlys. Utilising a comparative approach, this book identifies transnational trends that occur in the different cases and, therefore, at the regional level, and aims to understand whether the resurgence of maritime disputes in East Asia may be studied on a case by case basis, or should be analysed as a regional phenomenon with common characteristics.

Thompson, Neil

Introduction
Taiwan enjoyed a brief stint in the headlines late last year, with leading U.S. Republicans, the island’s independence-leaning President Tsai Ing-wen, and Beijing all signaling that a shift to a much tenser period of inter-strait relations has arrived. Of course, relations between Taipei and China began to deteriorate over a year ago, after Tsai’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) soundly beat the ruling Kuomintang (KMT), China’s preferred interlocutor, in January 2016. But things really became heated after President-elect Donald Trump broke with longstanding U.S. diplomatic protocol in December to hold a telephone call with Tsai. This prompted fears in Beijing that a pro-independence minded Taiwanese leader had emerged at the same time as a protectionist U.S. president, undermining support in both countries for the hoary one China policy which China’s ruling Communist party still clings to as a symbol of its nationalist credentials.
Read more here

Lind, Jennifer

Introduction
Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president threatens to upend the world’s most important bilateral relationship. On the campaign trail, Trump promised to label China a currency manipulator and to respond to its “theft of American trade secrets” and “unfair subsidy behavior” by levying a 45 percent tariff on Chinese exports. As president-elect, he reversed four decades of U.S. policy when he spoke by telephone with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen and declared that the United States was not bound by the “one China” policy, the diplomatic understanding that has underpinned Washington’s approach to Beijing since 1979.
Read more here (subscription required)

Emmerson, Donald K

Introduction
The disputes over the South China Sea are complex, and they overlap and collide in complex ways. At stake are questions of ownership, demarcation, rights of passage, and access to resources—fish, oil, and gas. The resulting imbroglio implicates all six claimants, not only China but Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Vietnam as well. It is wrong to blame China alone for all that has happened in the South China Sea—nationalist moves, stalemated diplomacy, and the potential for escalation.
Read more here

Mack, Andrew

Introduction
Northeast Asia is the only region in the world in which the technological potential to make nuclear weapons is combined with deep-seated (though currently attenuated) historical animosities. In Western Europe and North America the nuclear capabilities exist but not the enmity: in other regions, enmity is not matched by capability. In South Asia the technical potential to go nuclear has already been realized and curbing vertical proliferation India and Pakistan has become the name of the game. It is a commonplace of strategic analysis that when political relationships deteriorate, perceived threats become a function the capabilities of adversaries. Thus the technical capabilities of regional states to make nuclear weapons must be a concern regional security planners in an uncertain strategic environment. This concern will exist notwithstanding the fact that all regional states are now members of the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT). There are two reasons for this.
PDF

Lee, Shaorong, Yuqin Han, and Yong Pend

Introduction
Because of geographical convenience, China and East Asia have a long history of exchanges with each other. Relations between the two parties have a deep and far reaching impact on the welfare and future of their peoples, if not all of mankind. Today, the two economies have become important parts of economy of the whole world. Their gross GDP makes up a quarter of the world total. Discussing the relationship between the two parties has become necessary.
PDF

Hu, Weixing

Introduction
This paper will first examine the latest episode of the Taiwan strait crisis, the cross-strait relations between Beijing and Taipei, and the future probability of armed conflicts in the strait. Based on that, it will discuss the response of the United States and other Asian countries to the tension in the Taiwan strait, and how it affects the security reconfiguration in the Asia Pacific.
PDF

Duke, Simon

Introduction
For the purpose of this discussion northeast Asia is assumed to incorporate the People’s Republic of China, the Republic China (Taiwan), the Democratic People’s Republic of (North Korea), the Republic of Korea (South Korea), Russia Japan. Although part of northeast Asia, Hong Kong, Macao, the Mongolian People’s Republic are not examined in Superficially, northeast Asia may appear to be a relatively region. It certainly has enjoyed spectacular economic evidenced by the presence of three of the ‘four tigers’—Kong, South Korea and Taiwan (the remaining one Singapore). Trade among China, Hong Kong and Taiwan (constituting one of the two major Asian trade ‘triangles’) grown enormously and, to all external appearances, the region enjoying an unprecedented period of stability. The image stability has been reinforced by APEC meetings that attention to Asia’s spectacular economic growth. The reduction in superpower military presence also may have encouraged impression of relative tranquility. Indeed, the growing economic interdependence may well lead to prolonged stability, yet it should be stressed that the economic links between countries are relatively recent compared to the historical between the countries. The rapid economic growth of the Asian economies also has been accompanied by a massive buildup and the emergence of China as a regional superpower. While the tendency to wish problems on a region must resisted, so too must the illusion of stability.
PDF